2011年3月17日星期四

Hebrews? While it goes beyond the present work to identify the limitations of the term “Habiru,” it must be addressed whether or not the A

V83TT4CBZGYG uring the reign of Thutmose III as wine-makers in the Theban tombs of the Second Prophet of Amun Puyemre (TT 39) and the herald Intef (TT 155).142 While Apiru served in Egypt as winemakers during the days of Thutmose III, there is no record of Egyptians having captured any as slaves before A2, which is consistent with the Biblical record. In his discussion of A2, Aharoni concludes, “Apiru-Habiru = Hebrews.”143b. The Impossibility of the Apiru as Marauding Brigands.The popular designation of the Habiru as a band of marauding brigands faces a major obstacle in that 3,600 Apiru were captured on A2. Hoffmeier, calling this number “a rather large figure,”144 elsewhere notes, “If the large numbers are to be believed, Apiru/Habiru were not just small bands of marauders in Amenhotep’s day.”145 This number far exceeds that of a loosely-organized gang of bandits, and without proof from antiquity that bandits congregated in such large numbers, it cannot be accepted that the 3,600 Apiru of A2 were mere brigands or thieves. Besides, would a makeshift army on a slave raid attempt to enslave a mobile outfit of bandits when the acquisition of peaceful townspeople was far simpler? Moreover, why would pharaoh desire to pollute his subservient slave population with rank bandits? The Amarna Letters, written as early as the reign of Amenhotep III (from ca. 1395 BC), provide more reason why the Apiru cannot be brigands. Two dispatches of the King of Hazor are among the Letters, and two others mention Hazor and its king. In EA 227, the King of Hazor, writing to the ruling pharaoh, refers to himself as the “king of the city of Hazor,” which throughout the el-Amarna archive is an unparalleled royal title for a Canaanite ruler. Furthermore, in EA 148, the ruler of Tyre refers to him by the same kingly title. In the fragmentary EA 227, the King of Hazor reassures pharaoh that he is safeguarding the cities of pharaoh until the Egyptian monarch’s arrival.146 As Yadin writes, “This indicates that the King of Hazor’s rule embraced more than the city itself,” which “is further corroborated by the letters of the rulers of Tyre and Ashtaroth.”147In EA 228, the King of Hazor, who names himself ’Abdi Tirshi, loyally informs pharaoh of hostile acts perpetrated against Hazor and its king: “Let my lord, the king (of Egypt), remember all that was done against Hasura (Hazor), your city, and against your servant.”148 However, a change in the allegiance of Hazor’s king is seen in EA 148, written by ’Abi-Milki, King of Tyre, who abruptly blurts, “The King of Hasura has abandoned his house and aligned himself with the Apiru.” ’Abi-Milki concludes his letter by warning, “Let the king (of Egypt) know that they (the Apiru) are hostile to the palace attendants. These are treacherous fellows. He (the King of Hazor) has taken over the land of the king (of Egypt) for the Apiru. Let the king inquire of his commissioner, who is familiar with Canaan.”149It is unclear why the once-loyal King of Hazor forsook pharaoh, his overlord, and aligned himself with the Apiru, but EA 228 implies that the Apiru wore down and eventually overpowered Hazor and its king, which is confirmed by this act of treason. The King of Hazor was the only so-called “king” in Canaan, overseeing numerous Canaanite cities for pharaoh. This exalted status matches well with the 14th-century-BC account in the book of Judges, as Hazor’s King Jabin is referred to four times as the “King of Canaan,” while only once is he called the “King of Hazor.” He is even called “the King of Canaan, who ruled in Hazor” (Judg 4:2).150 Why would mighty Hazor align itself with a group of bandits, exchanging allegiance to powerful Egypt, as their longstanding overloads, to allegiance to meddlesome thieves, as their new overlords? Would its king truly fear wandering brigands more than pharaoh's army? How could a band of social misfits subserviate Hazor, the greatest local dynasty in Canaan? It is absurd to assert that mere nomadic bandits could persuade mighty Hazor and its great king simply to surrender their municipal and regional sovereignty to hoodlums such as they. If the Apiru were national Israel, however, opposing the peoples of Canaan with divine assistance as portrayed in Judges, one can easily envisage the King of Hazor buckling under the enormous pressure that was applied to him by the persistent Hebrews. Wood correctly concludes that “[t]he ‘apiru of the highlands of Canaan described in the Amarna Letters of the mid-14th century BC conform to the biblical Israelites.”151c. The Apiru of A2 Recognized by the Egyptians as a Distinct Ethnic Group.Beitzel, who zealously opposes the association of the Apiru with the Hebrews, states that “the Amarna Hapiru seems to be composed of diverse ethnic elements from various localities.”152 While the dispersion of the Apiru throughout Canaan should be expected if they are the 2,000,000+ Israelite settlers (Josh 11:23), nothing in the Amarna Letters implies or requires



that the Apiru be characterized as ethnically diverse,
leaving Beitzel’s claim curious and unfounded. Hoffmeier even underscores the certainty of the Apiru’s ethnic homogeneity: “It is clear from the occurrence in the [Memphis] stele of Amenhotep II that they were identified as a specific group like the other ethnic groups taken as prisoners by the king.”153 This claim of homogeneity is correct for two reasons. (1) The ethnic homogeneity of the Apiru is certain since they were listed among the ethnic groups on the booty list of A2. “Listing the habiru alongside of other ethnic groups from Hurru, Retenu, and the Shasu suggests that the Egyptians may have viewed the habiru as a distinguishable ethnic group.”154 The Apiru appear third on the list, preceded by princes and brothers of the princes, and followed by three names with geographic connotation: the Shasu, who were Bedouin to the south of Palestine; the Kharu, who were “Horites,” residents of Syro-Palestine; and the Nagasuites/Neges, who dwelled in Upper Retenu, near Aleppo.155 Grimal compares the ethnic distinctiveness of both the Apiru and the Shasu Bedouin: “Among the prisoners of war were said to be 3,600 Apiru, an ethnic group clearly distinct from the Shosu Bedouin, who are enumerated separately.”156 The Annals of Thutmose III confirm the Kharu’s ethnicity: That feeble enemy of Kadesh has entered Megiddo, and he is [there] at this moment, having rallied to himself the chieftains of [every] foreign land [who had been] allies of Egypt, as well as (those) from as far away as Naharin in/being [. . .], Kharu, and Kedy, their horses, their armies, and [their people].157 Since the Kharu are listed among peoples with armies and horses, along with Mitanni (Naharin), their distinct ethnicity—and thus that of the Apiru, as well—cannot be doubted.(2) The ethnic homogeneity of the Apiru is certain due to their prominent position among the ethnic groups on the booty list of A2. The 3,600 Apiru are notably more numerous than the princes and brothRosetta Stone

In New-Kingdom times

we have scenes of presentations of the royal seal to the highest dignitaries, or their mention of this—so, Huy, Viceroy of Nubia (under Tutankhamun), and Nebwenenef, High Priest of Amun (under Ramesses II).35 And from early times (third millennium BC onward), many royal officials bore the title “Seal-bearer of the King.”36 And some Semites even ascended the throne briefly in the 18th century BC before the Hyksos kings took over. Such were “Ameny the Asiatic” and the kings Khandjer (name, Semitic hanzir, “boar”).Asiatic and Nubian slaves making bricks for the Temple of Amun at Karnak. From the Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re, a vizier, at Thebes, ca. 1470-1445 B.C.“Death comes as the End”Both Jacob (Gn 50:2–3) and Joseph (Gn 50:26) were reportedly embalmed at their deaths in Egypt. But the old man requested that he be buried in the ancestral family tomb, back in Canaan—in effect, to be gathered to his fathers, like so many people there in the Middle Bronze Age,37 in the Late Bronze Age,38 and into the Iron Age under the Hebrew kingdoms (Bloch-Smith 1992). However, of Joseph it is stated that “he was put in a coffin in Egypt” (with a deferred hope of being reburied in Canaan). He and his family thus appear as being more assimilated to Egyptian cultural usages than old Jacob. Other Semites, too, ended up “in a coffin in Egypt”—from the late Middle Kingdom/Hyksos epoch, one thinks of the coffin of that indubitable Semite ‘Abdu, of the 17th/16th centuries BC, containing also a handsome dagger of one Nahman (another good West-Semitic name) bearing the cartouche of the Hyksos king Apopi.39 In later periods, most especially the New Kingdom, other foreigners entered even more fully into Egyptian ways, and had completely Egyptian tombs; one thinks again (at random) of general Urhiya mentioned above (Malek 1979:661, “Iurokhy”). And, of course, much later—witness Carian tombstones in Saite and Persian-period Egypt (Boardman 1980:137/8, and figs. 158–59).Reproduced by permission from He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, ed. R.S. Hess, P.E. Satterthwaite and G.J. Wenham, Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, 1993, pages 77–89.Recommended Resources for Further StudyBible and SpadeCD-ROMArchaeology andthe Old Testament Moses andthe Gods of EgyptFootnotes:1. Cf. Posener 1957: 151-52, citing the Illahun papyri of ca.1800 BC.2. References in Posener 1957: 154, 155, citing various stelae. 3. Hayes 1955; for a discussion of its foreign personal names, see Albright 1954: 222-23; see also Posener 1957: 147-63; and for a brief note on the possible relevance of the papyrus for OT studies, see Kitchen 1957: 1-2.4. E.g. domestic servants (hery-per) (cf. Gn 39:2); brewers, cooks, tutors/guardians; women as cloth-makers, hairdressers and storekeepers; cf. Hayes 1955: 103-108 and table.5. Details, see Albright 1954; Posener 1957: 148-50.6. For a convenient brief account, see Bietak 1986: 236-63, 283-88, 291-95. On subsequent work there, cf. Bietak 1991.7. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991; supplemented by Malek and Quirke 1992.8. See the list of prices (from extremes of 2/3 shekel up to 55 shekels) in Falkenstein 1956: 88-90; here two-thirds of the examples are of 8 to 10 shekels. Similarly for the earlier empire of Akkad, cf. Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 164; for an examination of particular classes, 10 cases of 9-15 shekels, 4 of 20 shekels, 2 in between, plus a few very cheap or very dear, cf. Edzard 1968: 87, Table 5 and the references there.9. Translations, e.g. in Meek 1969: 170, 175, 176.10. See, e.g. Van De Mieroop 1987: 10, 11. References for Old-Babylonian slave-prices within a 15-30 shekel span (averaging just over 22 shekels) may be found in Falkenstein 1956: 88, n. 5 end; cf. the earlier study of Meissner 1936: 34 and the references there.11. Cf. Eichler 1973: 16 and n. 35, and the texts listed, 17-18.12. Briefly dealt with by Mendelsohn 1949: 118 and n. 181.13. Cf. the list in Johns 1924: 542-46. For the Neo-Babylonian period see also Meissner 1920: 365-66 and the references there; also 1936: 35-36.14. Meissner 1920: 366; 1936: 36; Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 174 (additional references).15. So, with Ranke 1935: 409—12, passim for the related names; Steindorff had translated "the god spoke and he lives."16. For examples with various deities, see Ranke 1935 Kitchen 1986 index, 501-502. There is no warrant whatsoever for referring such names only or mainly to the 26th Dynasty.17. Alan Rowe’s claim that this name had been found in a text at Bubastis, reported by W.F. Albright (1952: 56, n. 15) has never been substantiated; all mention of it disappeared in Albright’s later works (1963: 98, n. 27, and 1955: 31); hence it must be disregarded unless definite evidence be produced.18. A.R. Schulman remarked of this reconstructed name, "I do not think that an exact original prototype [of Djed-pa-nuter-ef-ankh]...will ever be found in the Egyptian documents, for I doubt that it ever existed." He considered it a Hebrew construct of Egyptian type, not origin (1975: 241).19. For a list of some objectors, see Schulman 1975: 240, n. 26. Schulman’s suggestion (241) that Joseph’s appointment marked "the beginning of a new life for him," and that hence a birth-name would not come amiss, seems implausible. A Hebrew narrator looking for an Egyptian name had plenty to choose from other than this kind.20. We may safely lay aside both the philologically brilliant but onomatologically improbable solution offered by J. Vergote (1959: 142-46) based on a conflation of the LXX and Masoretic forms, and the weird and wonderful equivalents produced by some early investigators (for a sampling, see Vergote 1959: 151-52).21. For Hebrew, see Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 860-61; for Aramaic and Phoenician, see Jean and Hoftijzer 1965: 246; for Amarna Canaanite, see Gelb, Landsberger and Oppenheim 1962: 96b; for Ugaritic, see Gordon 1965: 475:2185. Here and in what follows, I use a simplified transcription of Egyptian and Semitic names, for technical reasons.22. In Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72), there is no root dj-p-n, and only four items under di-f-n (three of Graeco-Roman date).23. See the references given by Erman and Grapow (1931); Erman and Grapow 1953: 92, to p. 623:1.24. Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72; 1953: 92, to p. 623:1). In Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, a variant iw djad.tu-naf occurs, taking this construction back to ca.1800 BC; see Hayes 1955: 1:5, 6, 10, etc.25. This solution was partly foreseen by Engelbach (1924: 204-206), but he did not work out the philological details, nor provide a solution to the pa‘aneah segment.26. In Djad, "say/call," the d would normally become a t, and by the Late Period (1100 BC onwards) dropped away completely; but in this construction, the d > t would be protected by the following na.f in status pronominalis, as in feminine nouns with suffixes (cf. Gardiner 1957: §78, obs., and p. 432 end). The verbal suffix .t(u) would coalesce with (or even replace) the d > t of the djad to which it was affixed. Either way, the result is a djad/t-naf, from the Middle Kingdom to at least the New Kingdom and probably later. For another metathesis from Egyptian into Semitic (r and n), cf. Eg. Bakenranef (as *Bukun-rinip) appearing in Assyrian as Bukur-ninip in Ranke 1910: 27.27. Ranke 1935: 15:3, of New-Kingdom date. Slightly modified, this is accepted by Vergote (1959: 149-50).28. The name Potiphar (no ’ayin) is incised in Hebrew or Aramaic script (mid-first millennium BC?) on an Egyptian sacred-eye amulet (Michailides Collection); see Leibovitch 1943: 87-90, fig. 25. The amulet may be genuine; but has the Semitic epigraph been scratched on in more recent times?29. References in Ranke 1935: 124:16 (after Daressy) for Pa-di-Re; 125:21 for Pa-di-Khons.30. For these names, which abound in the Middle Kingdom, cf. Ranke 1935: 401-404, passim.31. In tombs of Paheri and Qenamun (Ranke 1935: 375:3, 4).32. Full publication, Kitchen and Beltrão 1991, 1: 64/65-66/67; 2: pl. 45; on the foreigners, cf. Kitchen 1990: 635-38; and 1991: 88-89 with fig., p. 90.33. The family of Didia, especially on Louvre C.50; see Lowle 1976: 91-106, figs. 1-2, pls. I-II; also Kitchen 1993: 265-69, and Forthcoming a: 19-21; for notes, Kitchen 1993/4: 222-26, and Forthcoming b.34. There are many examples in Martin 1971: 78-85:984-1088a, pls. 28-42A, passim. For the name, cf. Hebrew Hur (Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 301a).35. For the former, see Davies and Gardiner 1926: 10f, pls. V, VI, left (before the king, pl. IV); for the latter, Kitchen 1983: 47.36. Examples, Middle Kingdom, Ward 1982: 170:1472; Fischer 1985: 86:1472.37. As (e.g.) at Jericho, cf. Kenyon 1960 and 1965, passim.38. In brief, cf. (e.g.) Gonen 1992: 240-41, when single-pit burial also came into use.39. Cf. Daressy 1906: 118-19 and pl. (dagger); Lacau 1906: 86-87 [28108], pl. 19:1, 2 (typical Middle-Kingdom box-coffin).BibliographyAlbright, W.F.1952 The Biblical Period. Oxford, England: Blackwell.1954 Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C. Journal of the American Oriental Society 74:222–33.1955


we have scenes of presentations of the royal seal to the highest dignitaries, or their mention of this—so, Huy, Viceroy of Nubia (under Tutankhamun), and Nebwenenef, High Priest of Amun (under Ramesses II).35 And from early times (third millennium BC onward), many royal officials bore the title “Seal-bearer of the King.”36 And some Semites even ascended the throne briefly in the 18th century BC before the Hyksos kings took over. Such were “Ameny the Asiatic” and the kings Khandjer (name, Semitic hanzir, “boar”).Asiatic and Nubian slaves making bricks for the Temple of Amun at Karnak. From the Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re, a vizier, at Thebes, ca. 1470-1445 B.C.“Death comes as the End”Both Jacob (Gn 50:2–3) and Joseph (Gn 50:26) were reportedly embalmed at their deaths in Egypt. But the old man requested that he be buried in the ancestral family tomb, back in Canaan—in effect, to be gathered to his fathers, like so many people there in the Middle Bronze Age,37 in the Late Bronze Age,38 and into the Iron Age under the Hebrew kingdoms (Bloch-Smith 1992). However, of Joseph it is stated that “he was put in a coffin in Egypt” (with a deferred hope of being reburied in Canaan). He and his family thus appear as being more assimilated to Egyptian cultural usages than old Jacob. Other Semites, too, ended up “in a coffin in Egypt”—from the late Middle Kingdom/Hyksos epoch, one thinks of the coffin of that indubitable Semite ‘Abdu, of the 17th/16th centuries BC, containing also a handsome dagger of one Nahman (another good West-Semitic name) bearing the cartouche of the Hyksos king Apopi.39 In later periods, most especially the New Kingdom, other foreigners entered even more fully into Egyptian ways, and had completely Egyptian tombs; one thinks again (at random) of general Urhiya mentioned above (Malek 1979:661, “Iurokhy”). And, of course, much later—witness Carian tombstones in Saite and Persian-period Egypt (Boardman 1980:137/8, and figs. 158–59).Reproduced by permission from He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, ed. R.S. Hess, P.E. Satterthwaite and G.J. Wenham, Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, 1993, pages 77–89.Recommended Resources for Further StudyBible and SpadeCD-ROMArchaeology andthe Old Testament Moses andthe Gods of EgyptFootnotes:1. Cf. Posener 1957: 151-52, citing the Illahun papyri of ca.1800 BC.2. References in Posener 1957: 154, 155, citing various stelae. 3. Hayes 1955; for a discussion of its foreign personal names, see Albright 1954: 222-23; see also Posener 1957: 147-63; and for a brief note on the possible relevance of the papyrus for OT studies, see Kitchen 1957: 1-2.4. E.g. domestic servants (hery-per) (cf. Gn 39:2); brewers, cooks, tutors/guardians; women as cloth-makers, hairdressers and storekeepers; cf. Hayes 1955: 103-108 and table.5. Details, see Albright 1954; Posener 1957: 148-50.6. For a convenient brief account, see Bietak 1986: 236-63, 283-88, 291-95. On subsequent work there, cf. Bietak 1991.7. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991; supplemented by Malek and Quirke 1992.8. See the list of prices (from extremes of 2/3 shekel up to 55 shekels) in Falkenstein 1956: 88-90; here two-thirds of the examples are of 8 to 10 shekels. Similarly for the earlier empire of Akkad, cf. Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 164; for an examination of particular classes, 10 cases of 9-15 shekels, 4 of 20 shekels, 2 in between, plus a few very cheap or very dear, cf. Edzard 1968: 87, Table 5 and the references there.9. Translations, e.g. in Meek 1969: 170, 175, 176.10. See, e.g. Van De Mieroop 1987: 10, 11. References for Old-Babylonian slave-prices within a 15-30 shekel span (averaging just over 22 shekels) may be found in Falkenstein 1956: 88, n. 5 end; cf. the earlier study of Meissner 1936: 34 and the references there.11. Cf. Eichler 1973: 16 and n. 35, and the texts listed, 17-18.12. Briefly dealt with by Mendelsohn 1949: 118 and n. 181.13. Cf. the list in Johns 1924: 542-46. For the Neo-Babylonian period see also Meissner 1920: 365-66 and the references there; also 1936: 35-36.14. Meissner 1920: 366; 1936: 36; Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 174 (additional references).15. So, with Ranke 1935: 409—12, passim for the related names; Steindorff had translated "the god spoke and he lives."16. For examples with various deities, see Ranke 1935 Kitchen 1986 index, 501-502. There is no warrant whatsoever for referring such names only or mainly to the 26th Dynasty.17. Alan Rowe’s claim that this name had been found in a text at Bubastis, reported by W.F. Albright (1952: 56, n. 15) has never been substantiated; all mention of it disappeared in Albright’s later works (1963: 98, n. 27, and 1955: 31); hence it must be disregarded unless definite evidence be produced.18. A.R. Schulman remarked of this reconstructed name, "I do not think that an exact original prototype [of Djed-pa-nuter-ef-ankh]...will ever be found in the Egyptian documents, for I doubt that it ever existed." He considered it a Hebrew construct of Egyptian type, not origin (1975: 241).19. For a list of some objectors, see Schulman 1975: 240, n. 26. Schulman’s suggestion (241) that Joseph’s appointment marked "the beginning of a new life for him," and that hence a birth-name would not come amiss, seems implausible. A Hebrew narrator looking for an Egyptian name had plenty to choose from other than this kind.20. We may safely lay aside both the philologically brilliant but onomatologically improbable solution offered by J. Vergote (1959: 142-46) based on a conflation of the LXX and Masoretic forms, and the weird and wonderful equivalents produced by some early investigators (for a sampling, see Vergote 1959: 151-52).21. For Hebrew, see Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 860-61; for Aramaic and Phoenician, see Jean and Hoftijzer 1965: 246; for Amarna Canaanite, see Gelb, Landsberger and Oppenheim 1962: 96b; for Ugaritic, see Gordon 1965: 475:2185. Here and in what follows, I use a simplified transcription of Egyptian and Semitic names, for technical reasons.22. In Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72), there is no root dj-p-n, and only four items under di-f-n (three of Graeco-Roman date).23. See the references given by Erman and Grapow (1931); Erman and Grapow 1953: 92, to p. 623:1.24. Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72; 1953: 92, to p. 623:1). In Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, a variant iw djad.tu-naf occurs, taking this construction back to ca.1800 BC; see Hayes 1955: 1:5, 6, 10, etc.25. This solution was partly foreseen by Engelbach (1924: 204-206), but he did not work out the philological details, nor provide a solution to the pa‘aneah segment.26. In Djad, "say/call," the d would normally become a t, and by the Late Period (1100 BC onwards) dropped away completely; but in this construction, the d > t would be protected by the following na.f in status pronominalis, as in feminine nouns with suffixes (cf. Gardiner 1957: §78, obs., and p. 432 end). The verbal suffix .t(u) would coalesce with (or even replace) the d > t of the djad to which it was affixed. Either way, the result is a djad/t-naf, from the Middle Kingdom to at least the New Kingdom and probably later. For another metathesis from Egyptian into Semitic (r and n), cf. Eg. Bakenranef (as *Bukun-rinip) appearing in Assyrian as Bukur-ninip in Ranke 1910: 27.27. Ranke 1935: 15:3, of New-Kingdom date. Slightly modified, this is accepted by Vergote (1959: 149-50).28. The name Potiphar (no ’ayin) is incised in Hebrew or Aramaic script (mid-first millennium BC?) on an Egyptian sacred-eye amulet (Michailides Collection); see Leibovitch 1943: 87-90, fig. 25. The amulet may be genuine; but has the Semitic epigraph been scratched on in more recent times?29. References in Ranke 1935: 124:16 (after Daressy) for Pa-di-Re; 125:21 for Pa-di-Khons.30. For these names, which abound in the Middle Kingdom, cf. Ranke 1935: 401-404, passim.31. In tombs of Paheri and Qenamun (Ranke 1935: 375:3, 4).32. Full publication, Kitchen and Beltrão 1991, 1: 64/65-66/67; 2: pl. 45; on the foreigners, cf. Kitchen 1990: 635-38; and 1991: 88-89 with fig., p. 90.33. The family of Didia, especially on Louvre C.50; see Lowle 1976: 91-106, figs. 1-2, pls. I-II; also Kitchen 1993: 265-69, and Forthcoming a: 19-21; for notes, Kitchen 1993/4: 222-26, and Forthcoming b.34. There are many examples in Martin 1971: 78-85:984-1088a, pls. 28-42A, passim. For the name, cf. Hebrew Hur (Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 301a).35. For the former, see Davies and Gardiner 1926: 10f, pls. V, VI, left (before the king, pl. IV); for the latter, Kitchen 1983: 47.36. Examples, Middle Kingdom, Ward 1982: 170:1472; Fischer 1985: 86:1472.37. As (e.g.) at Jericho, cf. Kenyon 1960 and 1965, passim.38. In brief, cf. (e.g.) Gonen 1992: 240-41, when single-pit burial also came into use.39. Cf. Daressy 1906: 118-19 and pl. (dagger); Lacau 1906: 86-87 [28108], pl. 19:1, 2 (typical Middle-Kingdom box-coffin).BibliographyAlbright, W.F.1952 The Biblical Period. Oxford, England: Blackwell.1954 Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C. Journal of the American Oriental Society 74:222–33.1955

lapp visited the region in 1929 and again in 1934 he found that there was no evidence to indicate that lava or ash eruptions had taken place as recent

tower collapse and extensive burn layers over the site were caused by an earthquake generated by fault movement (Donahue 1985: 139). The earthquake caused either an uplift in the vicinity of the site or a downdropping of the rift valley to the west, resulting in a 50 m (164 ft) increase in elevation differential between the town site and Wadi Numeira to the north (Donahue 1984: 86; 1985: 137). It also caused a change in direction of the Wadi Numeira, which flowed south of the site during the period of occupation (Donahue 1984: 86, 88; 1985: 138). Heavy erosion following the event resulted in the loss of the north part of the settlement, including the north defensive wall (Donahue 1984:87;1985:138,139).Evidence found at Numeira suggests the residents fled the town in haste. Most identifiable doorways from the latest phase of occupation had been deliberately blocked. This apparently was an attempt to strengthen the homes against damage. In addition, no valuable small finds were discovered nor were there foodstuffs in the storage facilities. On the other hand, large quantities of pottery were found on the floors of the houses, evidently too heavy and bulky to transport in the hasty evacuation. It appears the residents had some early warning, such as preliminary tremors, and did what they could to prepare. They shored up their houses, gathered up their valuables and as much food as they could carry, and fled their homes never to return (Coogan 1984: 80–81).Stone-lined grain storage pits at Numeira. Many such pits were found at Numeira, but they were all empty. Evidence suggests the inhabitants fled their homes with as much food as they could carry, with the idea of living out in the open until the earthquake was over. They never returned—Numeira lay in ruins until discovered and excavated by archaeologists in the 1970s.Evidence at the Bab edh-Dhra CemeteryWe have detailed the evidence that both town sites were destroyed by an overwhelming conflagration. Additional evidence from the cemetery at Bab edh-Dhra demonstrates that the destruction included areas outside the towns, thus involving "the entire plain" (Gn 19:25) and that it "came out of the heavens" (Gn 19:24).During the Early Bronze III period the dead at Bab edh-Dhra were interred in charnel houses built above ground. Five of the buildings that were excavated, A8, A22, A41, A51 and A55, were in use at the end of the life of the city. In each case the building was extensively burned (Schaub and Rast 1989: 326–26, 344, 384; Rast and Schaub 1978: 24; Rast and Schaub 1980: 37). The explanation the excavators offer for this burning is that it was intentionally done by a human agent that also destroyed the town (Rast and Schaub 1978: 24; Rast 1987:49; Schaub and Rast 1989: 396). The evidence we have discussed above points to destruction by earthquake rather than by a human agent. Even if Bab edh-Dhra was destroyed by an enemy, it seems highly improbable that a conqueror would go into a cemetery located several hundred meters away and systematically set fire to and demolish all the burial houses. This would be an unprecedented act for which there are no known parallels. There is a more logical explanation. Plan and section of Charnel House A22 at Bab edh-Dhra. The largest of the excavated charnel houses, or funerary buildings (51 x 26 ft), the structure was destroyed by fire at the same time the city was destroyed. The fire started on the roof and spread to the interior when the roof collapsed. This provides graphic evidence that "the Lord rained down burning sulfur on Sodom and Gomorrah—from the Lord out of the heavens" (Gn 19:24). During the 1979 season, the last and largest of the charnel houses, A22, was excavated. The building was 15.5 x 7.8 m. (50.8 x 25.6 ft) in size and constructed of mudbricks. The floor consisted of small pebbles and the roof was made up of wooden beams, reed matting and mud. Underneath the rubble, the archaeologists found the interior of the building filled with pottery and other funerary objects, and piles of human skeletal remains and skulls in disarray (Rast and Schaub 1980:36–37).



The building had been severely burned.
Remnants of charred posts and beams from the roof were found among the ruins. Much ash was also found, along with bricks that were turned red from the intense heat. More intriguing than the mere fact that the charnel house was destroyed by fire, however, is the way in which it was burned—from the inside out. At first, the archaeologists thought this was a deliberate burning associated with some religious or hygienic practice. The excavation of Charnel House A22, however, has laid that theory to rest. It is now evident that the roof, engulfed in flames, collapsed into the building and caused the interior burning: The extensive burn is clear evidence of the tomb's destruction by fire. Burning was concentrated along the interior wall in the center of both sectors, where the majority of posts and beams were uncovered. Along the south wall impressions of desiccated beams angled down toward the interior transverse wall, indicating that they had collapsed in the center across the interior wall (Rast and Schaub 1Rosetta Stone Arabic

2011年3月9日星期三

10 Mar 11 How To Get Traffic To Your Website!

How To Get Traffic To Your Website!By: John Pawlett .... Click author's name to view profile and articles!!!Retargeting by ChangoTweet Today, the biggest problem that new website owners have is: How they can get traffic to their website? Significant amount of time and energy is spent today on this single task. You or your webmaster needs to monly focus on:- Get ranked well on the most important search engines (Google, Yahoo, Msn, Ask, etc.)- Pay Per Click (PPC) programs- Cost Per Click (CPC) programs- Link Exchanges- Directory Submissions- And moreAll of these methods are valuable for getting traffic to your website. If you are not petent enough to rank well your keywords, you can obviously hire a SEO (Search Engine Optimizer) for this work. From search engines you can getNHL Shop
a very large portion of traffic to your website.Today, everyone wants to know the big secret to driving traffic to their website. Every day I see an article or an ad talking about driving people to your website; driving traffic to a website has bee the holy grail on the Internet. People are realizing that if you build it, they won't e... unless you give them a reason. Website traffic just doesn't happen by itself. Your website is just one of many millions on the web and people rarely just stumble upon your site by accident.There are many ways to drive traffic to your website. You can buy traffic from vendors that will pummel your website with hits from automated programs. This will increase your hits but will it increase your bottom line? Probably not. You can set up blogs that spider (connect to) your website increasing your traffic count. Does this drive users to your website? Only if your blog is so interesting that people are reading it. There are thousands of blogs posted on the internet and your blog is just a needle in the internet haystack.Another trick is to create RSS (Really Simple Syndication) feeds for your website and subscribe to other RSS feeds. This again will increase your hit count but will do very little to drive potential customers to your website unless you're providing valuable information. Tricks will increase your hit count but do very little todrive potential customers to your website.People often turn to traffic exchanges. Quite simply, a traffic exchange is a program where you sign up and agree to surf sites in exchange for some credits. These credits are then used when other members of the exchange surf to your site. This traffic is not highly targeted traffic. In fact, if this were your only method of advertising your website, you'd probably fail. BUT it is a great method of getting traffic to your Philadelphia Flyers jersey
site in addition to the other methods listed above.So, why do people use traffic exchanges? Here are a few of the benefits:- Increase your Alexa rating! Did you know that some search engines factor your Alexa rating into their algorithms? More traffic means higher search engine placement!- Increase your branding awareness. Any marketing expert worth his salt will tell you that branding is extremely important to stand out amongst the billions of websites out there. More traffic equals more sales. A percentage of people surfing will be enticed by your ads and click on them to find out more information. Another source of revenue. Many traffic exchanges will actually pay you money to surf. More importantly, as you refer other people to the network, you'll earn a percentage of the money that they earn! It may be small amounts but if you work the system it could amount to a lot of money.Now, before you head over to Google and search for Traffic Exchange, I'd remend knowing a few facts:- Some traffic exchanges are simply out to get money from you and will refer very little traffic to you.- Some traffic exchanges have poor systems in place to stop cheaters from running programs to increase their credits faster.Finally, some traffic exchanges will allow popup, active x controls, site rotators, etc. in their network. Any of these can stop your auto surfing from working, or even worse, allow your puter to be infected with a virus.The best part about Traffic Exchanges is that you really have nothing to lose and everything to gain. The worst thing that could happen to you is you get a little bit of traffic which increases your Alexa rankings and you don't get any money.Of course, for the system to work, you've got to make sure that you do some surfing yourself. The makers of the exchange programs realize this and some of them even have an auto surf feature where you get a reduced number of credits while your browser happily loads page after page every 10 seconds or so.Article Source: abcarticledirectoryUnstoppable Traffic is an informative website that looks into all aspects search engine optamisation, from making a all important blogforum to help the seo bots through to collecting those all important link backs to your site rising you up the ranksTo find out more visit Website TraficNote: The content of this article solely conveys the opinion of its author, John PawlettRetargeting by ChangoDid You Like This Article? Share It With YourFriends!Please Rate this Article 5 out of 54 out of 53 out of 52 out of 51 out of 5Flyers jersey
Not yet Rated Click the XML Icon to Receive Free Articles About Search Engine Optimization via RSS!Additional Articles From - Home Internet Marketing Search Engine OptimizationA Move from plex to Basic puting- By : Wilmer HarrisonHow Can Local Search Engine Optimization Benefit A Business?- By : Jacques NeelSEO As a Part for Your Website- By : irwin edwardsonNew Website Design Ideas That Will Put Your Site on the Cutting Edge- By : Beth SwansonBenefits Of Hiring Internet Marketing panies- By : Schew MakerImSEO - Internet Marketing Campaign Online- By : Brittany DeemsHiring an Expert SEO pany to Enhance Your On-line Business- By : Alan BasketteSearch Optimisation SEO Australia SEO- By : robinTen Universal SEO Mistakes and How to Avert Them Part One- By : Laura MooreGoogle Improves Protection for Webmasters- By : seopany Still Searching? Last Chance to find what you're looking for. Try using Bing Search!

2011年3月5日星期六

5 Mar 11 Internet Marketing Affiliate Program - What Do You Need To Succeed?

Internet Marketing Affiliate Program - What Do You Need To Succeed?By: Jeff Casmer .... Click author's name to view profile and articles!!!Retargeting by ChangoTweet If you have selected a suitable affiliate program to join, and you are keen to start earning some affiliate commissions, you will need to know about the key factors to help you succeed.So, what do you need to succeed with your internet marketing affiliate program?• Dedication. The first thing you will need to succeed with your internet marketing affiliate program is commitment to work hard until you get NHL Shop
the profits you want. For you to earn some commission, you will need to invest money, time and effort into the business.• Patience. This is the hardest trait to have, yet it is the most important. You can not earn commissions overnight with your affiliate program, and you must be patient enough to keep on working consistently, even if you are not making any sales.• Get your own website and domain name. Having your own website creates the perception that you are serious about your internet marketing affiliate program business, and you have long term commitment to it. A professional website and own domain name appear professional, and you will find it easy to make sales. • Products, services or business opportunities that are of high quality and reputation. This is very important if you want to make some sales and earn some commission. Make sure that you choose an affiliate program that has products with high demand and easy to sell.• A website that is well presented and will prompt any visitor to take action and buy! This is an obvious one, yet is sometimes neglected. For you to be successful with your internet marketing affiliate program, your website must clearly present what you are selling. You must make the presentation of your website such that you promote many sales, for example by placing complementary products close together. Use all the techniques you can think of to make help you make as many sales as possible. • A 'useful' website that makes visitors want to visit again. Although the main goal of your site is to make sales; you will also want your site to offer a few other things that will make visitors stay longer and come back again. You could offer some free tips and ideas relating to the products you are selling. The idea is to make any visitor want to 'bookmark' your site. Or if they make a purchase the first time they visit; if they found some free helpful hints on your website, they will come back again for another purchase, creating good repeat business for you. • Have a committed strategy for driving traffic to your web site. It is a very simple fact that more visitors to your site means more sales, which means more checks for you. Have a monthly budget or plan for driving traffic to your site, work on that consistently.• Customer care and personal testimonials can significantly help you succeed Philadelphia Flyers jersey
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2011年1月24日星期一

24 Jan 11 Downing The Aggies, OSUs Gundy Wins His 40th; He's 40, That's Right: 40

G. Newman Lowrance/Getty ImagesSATIRE; A last second field goal wins for Mike Gundy and his OSU Cowboys. This is his 40th career victory.Significant number - 40? You bet it is. Just ask Daily Oklahoman reporter Jenni Carlson. She remembers being told Mike Gundy was 40 year's old and that he Reebok Baltimore Ravens #5 Joe Flacco Realtree camo Jersey
was a MAN! Who told her that? Mike himself, during a press conference in September of 2007, when he was videoed which soon became an internet viral event: "I'm a man! I'm 40!" You know who else was 40? Forrest Gump.You know what Forrest Gump wanted to be? A football coach.You know the name of Forrest Gump's girlfriend? Jenni.Let's pretend the locker room scene wasn't between Gundy and Jenni, but rather, Gump and Jenni.Here's how it might have gone down: Gump and Jenni Jenni, I may not be a smart man but I know what love is. But I saw your quarterback eating chicken. Chicken? Jenni?! Are you sure it was chicken and not shrimp? We feed all our players Bubba Gump Shrimp. Jenni, do you how many ways you can prepare shrimp? No, his mother was feeding him chicken from a box. Jenni, my mother always said a football team is like a box of chocolates. Is it because some of your players are nuts? No, Jenni, itbecause most of them are black. You yelled at me the other day. I know, Jenni. I yelled because I was telling you about the garbage. Garbage? Yes, I heard you say GARBAGE! Well, they hadnpicked it up, Jenni. They hadnpicked it up. But you embarrassed me in front of my co-workers. Jenni, if there is garbage, you need know about it. I swear, Gump, sometimes you act just like a little kid. Jenni! You know better. Im a man. Are you doing this again? Jenni! Im a man. Im forty. So youre going out with the other coaches? What if you donget a ride home? You can come after me. Im a man. You are yelling again, Gump. You know how that makes me feel. Itoffensive. When you yell, it the worldgreatest offense. So will you stop yelling? Jenni, I donhave to. But, at least you can tell me why you are yelling. Jenni. Jenni, I donhave to. But I need to know whatwrong, what you think is wrong. Jenni, I donhave to. Im a man. Im forty. Gump, do I need Lt. Dan to kick your butt? Jenni!! You know Dan cankick. He got no legs and you should Reebok Baltimore Ravens #27 Ray Rice Realtree camo Jersey
know somebody from Danfamily had fought and died in every single American war. He had a lot to live up to. Well, I still donlike you yelling at me yelling at me in front of my peers. I had to tell you bout the garbage. It was GARBAGE, Jenni. And I suppose you are going to say youre a man again. Jenni? You know if I see garbage, it almost makes me puke. Oh. Gump. You know I canstay mad at you. Oh. Jenni.

2011年1月22日星期六

22 Jan 11 Big East Takes Giant Misstep with Villanova Invite

Villanova's most famous football product - Brian WestbrookJim McIsaac/Getty ImagesIn the 1960s and 70s, Bill Shankly was a manager who made a habit of taking downtrodden teams from the various European football leagues in England, and turning them into winners. He would seize the cast offs, has beens, and never weres, and turn teams on the brink of collapse into respected champions. You may be asking yourself what this has to do with college football in 2010, and your curiosity would be understandable. Along with being a great motivator and coach, however, Kansas City Chiefs jersey
Mr. Shankly was also an oft quoted sports figure. One pearl in particular seemed quite relevant to todaytopic. Some people think football is a matter of life and death. I assure you, itmuch more serious than that. Such is the case with the Big East football conference in 2010. Sure, they may have come through the recent spate of conference realignments unscathed, but is that necessarily a good thing? Perhaps it is more of an indication of what the Big East does not offer, as opposed to a reaffirmation of what an intact Big East does offer the college football world. Maybe the Big 10s, ACCs and SECs of the college football landscape see the Big East as a league on its last breathe, and donparticularly feel in a generous enough mood to throw a life vest to the potential survivors. Why else would the dust have settled so quickly on realignment this past summer with no Big East school getting more than a sniff of interest from the bigger boys on the playground? We all remember breaking a lamp in the living room after Mom had told us time and again to take the football outside. We also remember thinking that maybe no one would notice if we cleaned up the evidence before Dad got home, and everything would blow over in a few days, neither parent ever even remembering that they used to be able to read the paper by the light of the lamp that used to grace the end table next to their favorite chair. The Big East tried that same approach during August media days. Stuff all the sports writers with lobster and clams, sing a few songs around the bon fire on Miami Dolphins jersey
the beach in Newport, Rhode Island, and hope that the impending start to the season will focus everyoneattention elsewhere for awhile. The problem is, they couldnsit still. Just like we did after breaking that lamp, the Big East got a little stir crazy. Two days after sweeping up the mess, after Dad looked around the room with a perplexed look on his face, not being able to pinpoint what was different, and then retreating to a seat on the other side of the room to read the paper, we got nervous. So we started shifting around the furniture, maybe bringing down a lamp from the attic that didnquite match the dcor. Thatwhen it happened. Busted! The Big East brought something old and dusty down from the attic as well. An invitation for Villanova to join the other, still nervous, Big East football members. Why couldnthey leave well enough alone? The college football world had put expansion, realignment and conference destruction on the back burner for awhile. The talk around the water cooler has been of Michiganresurgence behind a kid who doesnlike to tie his shoes, and the Notre Dame haters have reveled in the Irish back to back losses to two old rivals from the wolverine state. And the Big East felt compelled to re-invite Villanova to join the league as a football member. Which is more embarrassing? The Big East pinning its hope for survival on the admission of an FCS team, or Villanova answering, Yes, we heard you the first time you asked. Just like George Costanza telling his soon to be ex-girlfriend I love you, and getting a similar reply to the one received byMinnesota Vikings
the Big East; thata pretty big matzo ball hanging out there. It is a move which smacks of desperation, and has got to leave the Big 10, and others, shaking their heads and realizing they made the right choice by leaving all the rats on a sinking ship. My advice to the Big East is quite simple. Focus on putting a better product on the football field. Do not allow a private FCS school from suburban Philadelphia to hold your football future dangling over the smoldering embers of Augusts clam bake. And, most importantly; the best way to leave the kidtable, and be invited to dine with the big folks is to act like one of them.