V83TT4CBZGYG uring the reign of Thutmose III as wine-makers in the Theban tombs of the Second Prophet of Amun Puyemre (TT 39) and the herald Intef (TT 155).142 While Apiru served in Egypt as winemakers during the days of Thutmose III, there is no record of Egyptians having captured any as slaves before A2, which is consistent with the Biblical record. In his discussion of A2, Aharoni concludes, “Apiru-Habiru = Hebrews.”143b. The Impossibility of the Apiru as Marauding Brigands.The popular designation of the Habiru as a band of marauding brigands faces a major obstacle in that 3,600 Apiru were captured on A2. Hoffmeier, calling this number “a rather large figure,”144 elsewhere notes, “If the large numbers are to be believed, Apiru/Habiru were not just small bands of marauders in Amenhotep’s day.”145 This number far exceeds that of a loosely-organized gang of bandits, and without proof from antiquity that bandits congregated in such large numbers, it cannot be accepted that the 3,600 Apiru of A2 were mere brigands or thieves. Besides, would a makeshift army on a slave raid attempt to enslave a mobile outfit of bandits when the acquisition of peaceful townspeople was far simpler? Moreover, why would pharaoh desire to pollute his subservient slave population with rank bandits? The Amarna Letters, written as early as the reign of Amenhotep III (from ca. 1395 BC), provide more reason why the Apiru cannot be brigands. Two dispatches of the King of Hazor are among the Letters, and two others mention Hazor and its king. In EA 227, the King of Hazor, writing to the ruling pharaoh, refers to himself as the “king of the city of Hazor,” which throughout the el-Amarna archive is an unparalleled royal title for a Canaanite ruler. Furthermore, in EA 148, the ruler of Tyre refers to him by the same kingly title. In the fragmentary EA 227, the King of Hazor reassures pharaoh that he is safeguarding the cities of pharaoh until the Egyptian monarch’s arrival.146 As Yadin writes, “This indicates that the King of Hazor’s rule embraced more than the city itself,” which “is further corroborated by the letters of the rulers of Tyre and Ashtaroth.”147In EA 228, the King of Hazor, who names himself ’Abdi Tirshi, loyally informs pharaoh of hostile acts perpetrated against Hazor and its king: “Let my lord, the king (of Egypt), remember all that was done against Hasura (Hazor), your city, and against your servant.”148 However, a change in the allegiance of Hazor’s king is seen in EA 148, written by ’Abi-Milki, King of Tyre, who abruptly blurts, “The King of Hasura has abandoned his house and aligned himself with the Apiru.” ’Abi-Milki concludes his letter by warning, “Let the king (of Egypt) know that they (the Apiru) are hostile to the palace attendants. These are treacherous fellows. He (the King of Hazor) has taken over the land of the king (of Egypt) for the Apiru. Let the king inquire of his commissioner, who is familiar with Canaan.”149It is unclear why the once-loyal King of Hazor forsook pharaoh, his overlord, and aligned himself with the Apiru, but EA 228 implies that the Apiru wore down and eventually overpowered Hazor and its king, which is confirmed by this act of treason. The King of Hazor was the only so-called “king” in Canaan, overseeing numerous Canaanite cities for pharaoh. This exalted status matches well with the 14th-century-BC account in the book of Judges, as Hazor’s King Jabin is referred to four times as the “King of Canaan,” while only once is he called the “King of Hazor.” He is even called “the King of Canaan, who ruled in Hazor” (Judg 4:2).150 Why would mighty Hazor align itself with a group of bandits, exchanging allegiance to powerful Egypt, as their longstanding overloads, to allegiance to meddlesome thieves, as their new overlords? Would its king truly fear wandering brigands more than pharaoh's army? How could a band of social misfits subserviate Hazor, the greatest local dynasty in Canaan? It is absurd to assert that mere nomadic bandits could persuade mighty Hazor and its great king simply to surrender their municipal and regional sovereignty to hoodlums such as they. If the Apiru were national Israel, however, opposing the peoples of Canaan with divine assistance as portrayed in Judges, one can easily envisage the King of Hazor buckling under the enormous pressure that was applied to him by the persistent Hebrews. Wood correctly concludes that “[t]he ‘apiru of the highlands of Canaan described in the Amarna Letters of the mid-14th century BC conform to the biblical Israelites.”151c. The Apiru of A2 Recognized by the Egyptians as a Distinct Ethnic Group.Beitzel, who zealously opposes the association of the Apiru with the Hebrews, states that “the Amarna Hapiru seems to be composed of diverse ethnic elements from various localities.”152 While the dispersion of the Apiru throughout Canaan should be expected if they are the 2,000,000+ Israelite settlers (Josh 11:23), nothing in the Amarna Letters implies or requires
that the Apiru be characterized as ethnically diverse,
leaving Beitzel’s claim curious and unfounded. Hoffmeier even underscores the certainty of the Apiru’s ethnic homogeneity: “It is clear from the occurrence in the [Memphis] stele of Amenhotep II that they were identified as a specific group like the other ethnic groups taken as prisoners by the king.”153 This claim of homogeneity is correct for two reasons. (1) The ethnic homogeneity of the Apiru is certain since they were listed among the ethnic groups on the booty list of A2. “Listing the habiru alongside of other ethnic groups from Hurru, Retenu, and the Shasu suggests that the Egyptians may have viewed the habiru as a distinguishable ethnic group.”154 The Apiru appear third on the list, preceded by princes and brothers of the princes, and followed by three names with geographic connotation: the Shasu, who were Bedouin to the south of Palestine; the Kharu, who were “Horites,” residents of Syro-Palestine; and the Nagasuites/Neges, who dwelled in Upper Retenu, near Aleppo.155 Grimal compares the ethnic distinctiveness of both the Apiru and the Shasu Bedouin: “Among the prisoners of war were said to be 3,600 Apiru, an ethnic group clearly distinct from the Shosu Bedouin, who are enumerated separately.”156 The Annals of Thutmose III confirm the Kharu’s ethnicity: That feeble enemy of Kadesh has entered Megiddo, and he is [there] at this moment, having rallied to himself the chieftains of [every] foreign land [who had been] allies of Egypt, as well as (those) from as far away as Naharin in/being [. . .], Kharu, and Kedy, their horses, their armies, and [their people].157 Since the Kharu are listed among peoples with armies and horses, along with Mitanni (Naharin), their distinct ethnicity—and thus that of the Apiru, as well—cannot be doubted.(2) The ethnic homogeneity of the Apiru is certain due to their prominent position among the ethnic groups on the booty list of A2. The 3,600 Apiru are notably more numerous than the princes and brothRosetta Stone
2011年3月17日星期四
In New-Kingdom times
we have scenes of presentations of the royal seal to the highest dignitaries, or their mention of this—so, Huy, Viceroy of Nubia (under Tutankhamun), and Nebwenenef, High Priest of Amun (under Ramesses II).35 And from early times (third millennium BC onward), many royal officials bore the title “Seal-bearer of the King.”36 And some Semites even ascended the throne briefly in the 18th century BC before the Hyksos kings took over. Such were “Ameny the Asiatic” and the kings Khandjer (name, Semitic hanzir, “boar”).Asiatic and Nubian slaves making bricks for the Temple of Amun at Karnak. From the Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re, a vizier, at Thebes, ca. 1470-1445 B.C.“Death comes as the End”Both Jacob (Gn 50:2–3) and Joseph (Gn 50:26) were reportedly embalmed at their deaths in Egypt. But the old man requested that he be buried in the ancestral family tomb, back in Canaan—in effect, to be gathered to his fathers, like so many people there in the Middle Bronze Age,37 in the Late Bronze Age,38 and into the Iron Age under the Hebrew kingdoms (Bloch-Smith 1992). However, of Joseph it is stated that “he was put in a coffin in Egypt” (with a deferred hope of being reburied in Canaan). He and his family thus appear as being more assimilated to Egyptian cultural usages than old Jacob. Other Semites, too, ended up “in a coffin in Egypt”—from the late Middle Kingdom/Hyksos epoch, one thinks of the coffin of that indubitable Semite ‘Abdu, of the 17th/16th centuries BC, containing also a handsome dagger of one Nahman (another good West-Semitic name) bearing the cartouche of the Hyksos king Apopi.39 In later periods, most especially the New Kingdom, other foreigners entered even more fully into Egyptian ways, and had completely Egyptian tombs; one thinks again (at random) of general Urhiya mentioned above (Malek 1979:661, “Iurokhy”). And, of course, much later—witness Carian tombstones in Saite and Persian-period Egypt (Boardman 1980:137/8, and figs. 158–59).Reproduced by permission from He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, ed. R.S. Hess, P.E. Satterthwaite and G.J. Wenham, Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, 1993, pages 77–89.Recommended Resources for Further StudyBible and SpadeCD-ROMArchaeology andthe Old Testament Moses andthe Gods of EgyptFootnotes:1. Cf. Posener 1957: 151-52, citing the Illahun papyri of ca.1800 BC.2. References in Posener 1957: 154, 155, citing various stelae. 3. Hayes 1955; for a discussion of its foreign personal names, see Albright 1954: 222-23; see also Posener 1957: 147-63; and for a brief note on the possible relevance of the papyrus for OT studies, see Kitchen 1957: 1-2.4. E.g. domestic servants (hery-per) (cf. Gn 39:2); brewers, cooks, tutors/guardians; women as cloth-makers, hairdressers and storekeepers; cf. Hayes 1955: 103-108 and table.5. Details, see Albright 1954; Posener 1957: 148-50.6. For a convenient brief account, see Bietak 1986: 236-63, 283-88, 291-95. On subsequent work there, cf. Bietak 1991.7. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991; supplemented by Malek and Quirke 1992.8. See the list of prices (from extremes of 2/3 shekel up to 55 shekels) in Falkenstein 1956: 88-90; here two-thirds of the examples are of 8 to 10 shekels. Similarly for the earlier empire of Akkad, cf. Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 164; for an examination of particular classes, 10 cases of 9-15 shekels, 4 of 20 shekels, 2 in between, plus a few very cheap or very dear, cf. Edzard 1968: 87, Table 5 and the references there.9. Translations, e.g. in Meek 1969: 170, 175, 176.10. See, e.g. Van De Mieroop 1987: 10, 11. References for Old-Babylonian slave-prices within a 15-30 shekel span (averaging just over 22 shekels) may be found in Falkenstein 1956: 88, n. 5 end; cf. the earlier study of Meissner 1936: 34 and the references there.11. Cf. Eichler 1973: 16 and n. 35, and the texts listed, 17-18.12. Briefly dealt with by Mendelsohn 1949: 118 and n. 181.13. Cf. the list in Johns 1924: 542-46. For the Neo-Babylonian period see also Meissner 1920: 365-66 and the references there; also 1936: 35-36.14. Meissner 1920: 366; 1936: 36; Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 174 (additional references).15. So, with Ranke 1935: 409—12, passim for the related names; Steindorff had translated "the god spoke and he lives."16. For examples with various deities, see Ranke 1935 Kitchen 1986 index, 501-502. There is no warrant whatsoever for referring such names only or mainly to the 26th Dynasty.17. Alan Rowe’s claim that this name had been found in a text at Bubastis, reported by W.F. Albright (1952: 56, n. 15) has never been substantiated; all mention of it disappeared in Albright’s later works (1963: 98, n. 27, and 1955: 31); hence it must be disregarded unless definite evidence be produced.18. A.R. Schulman remarked of this reconstructed name, "I do not think that an exact original prototype [of Djed-pa-nuter-ef-ankh]...will ever be found in the Egyptian documents, for I doubt that it ever existed." He considered it a Hebrew construct of Egyptian type, not origin (1975: 241).19. For a list of some objectors, see Schulman 1975: 240, n. 26. Schulman’s suggestion (241) that Joseph’s appointment marked "the beginning of a new life for him," and that hence a birth-name would not come amiss, seems implausible. A Hebrew narrator looking for an Egyptian name had plenty to choose from other than this kind.20. We may safely lay aside both the philologically brilliant but onomatologically improbable solution offered by J. Vergote (1959: 142-46) based on a conflation of the LXX and Masoretic forms, and the weird and wonderful equivalents produced by some early investigators (for a sampling, see Vergote 1959: 151-52).21. For Hebrew, see Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 860-61; for Aramaic and Phoenician, see Jean and Hoftijzer 1965: 246; for Amarna Canaanite, see Gelb, Landsberger and Oppenheim 1962: 96b; for Ugaritic, see Gordon 1965: 475:2185. Here and in what follows, I use a simplified transcription of Egyptian and Semitic names, for technical reasons.22. In Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72), there is no root dj-p-n, and only four items under di-f-n (three of Graeco-Roman date).23. See the references given by Erman and Grapow (1931); Erman and Grapow 1953: 92, to p. 623:1.24. Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72; 1953: 92, to p. 623:1). In Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, a variant iw djad.tu-naf occurs, taking this construction back to ca.1800 BC; see Hayes 1955: 1:5, 6, 10, etc.25. This solution was partly foreseen by Engelbach (1924: 204-206), but he did not work out the philological details, nor provide a solution to the pa‘aneah segment.26. In Djad, "say/call," the d would normally become a t, and by the Late Period (1100 BC onwards) dropped away completely; but in this construction, the d > t would be protected by the following na.f in status pronominalis, as in feminine nouns with suffixes (cf. Gardiner 1957: §78, obs., and p. 432 end). The verbal suffix .t(u) would coalesce with (or even replace) the d > t of the djad to which it was affixed. Either way, the result is a djad/t-naf, from the Middle Kingdom to at least the New Kingdom and probably later. For another metathesis from Egyptian into Semitic (r and n), cf. Eg. Bakenranef (as *Bukun-rinip) appearing in Assyrian as Bukur-ninip in Ranke 1910: 27.27. Ranke 1935: 15:3, of New-Kingdom date. Slightly modified, this is accepted by Vergote (1959: 149-50).28. The name Potiphar (no ’ayin) is incised in Hebrew or Aramaic script (mid-first millennium BC?) on an Egyptian sacred-eye amulet (Michailides Collection); see Leibovitch 1943: 87-90, fig. 25. The amulet may be genuine; but has the Semitic epigraph been scratched on in more recent times?29. References in Ranke 1935: 124:16 (after Daressy) for Pa-di-Re; 125:21 for Pa-di-Khons.30. For these names, which abound in the Middle Kingdom, cf. Ranke 1935: 401-404, passim.31. In tombs of Paheri and Qenamun (Ranke 1935: 375:3, 4).32. Full publication, Kitchen and Beltrão 1991, 1: 64/65-66/67; 2: pl. 45; on the foreigners, cf. Kitchen 1990: 635-38; and 1991: 88-89 with fig., p. 90.33. The family of Didia, especially on Louvre C.50; see Lowle 1976: 91-106, figs. 1-2, pls. I-II; also Kitchen 1993: 265-69, and Forthcoming a: 19-21; for notes, Kitchen 1993/4: 222-26, and Forthcoming b.34. There are many examples in Martin 1971: 78-85:984-1088a, pls. 28-42A, passim. For the name, cf. Hebrew Hur (Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 301a).35. For the former, see Davies and Gardiner 1926: 10f, pls. V, VI, left (before the king, pl. IV); for the latter, Kitchen 1983: 47.36. Examples, Middle Kingdom, Ward 1982: 170:1472; Fischer 1985: 86:1472.37. As (e.g.) at Jericho, cf. Kenyon 1960 and 1965, passim.38. In brief, cf. (e.g.) Gonen 1992: 240-41, when single-pit burial also came into use.39. Cf. Daressy 1906: 118-19 and pl. (dagger); Lacau 1906: 86-87 [28108], pl. 19:1, 2 (typical Middle-Kingdom box-coffin).BibliographyAlbright, W.F.1952 The Biblical Period. Oxford, England: Blackwell.1954 Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C. Journal of the American Oriental Society 74:222–33.1955
we have scenes of presentations of the royal seal to the highest dignitaries, or their mention of this—so, Huy, Viceroy of Nubia (under Tutankhamun), and Nebwenenef, High Priest of Amun (under Ramesses II).35 And from early times (third millennium BC onward), many royal officials bore the title “Seal-bearer of the King.”36 And some Semites even ascended the throne briefly in the 18th century BC before the Hyksos kings took over. Such were “Ameny the Asiatic” and the kings Khandjer (name, Semitic hanzir, “boar”).Asiatic and Nubian slaves making bricks for the Temple of Amun at Karnak. From the Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re, a vizier, at Thebes, ca. 1470-1445 B.C.“Death comes as the End”Both Jacob (Gn 50:2–3) and Joseph (Gn 50:26) were reportedly embalmed at their deaths in Egypt. But the old man requested that he be buried in the ancestral family tomb, back in Canaan—in effect, to be gathered to his fathers, like so many people there in the Middle Bronze Age,37 in the Late Bronze Age,38 and into the Iron Age under the Hebrew kingdoms (Bloch-Smith 1992). However, of Joseph it is stated that “he was put in a coffin in Egypt” (with a deferred hope of being reburied in Canaan). He and his family thus appear as being more assimilated to Egyptian cultural usages than old Jacob. Other Semites, too, ended up “in a coffin in Egypt”—from the late Middle Kingdom/Hyksos epoch, one thinks of the coffin of that indubitable Semite ‘Abdu, of the 17th/16th centuries BC, containing also a handsome dagger of one Nahman (another good West-Semitic name) bearing the cartouche of the Hyksos king Apopi.39 In later periods, most especially the New Kingdom, other foreigners entered even more fully into Egyptian ways, and had completely Egyptian tombs; one thinks again (at random) of general Urhiya mentioned above (Malek 1979:661, “Iurokhy”). And, of course, much later—witness Carian tombstones in Saite and Persian-period Egypt (Boardman 1980:137/8, and figs. 158–59).Reproduced by permission from He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, ed. R.S. Hess, P.E. Satterthwaite and G.J. Wenham, Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, 1993, pages 77–89.Recommended Resources for Further StudyBible and SpadeCD-ROMArchaeology andthe Old Testament Moses andthe Gods of EgyptFootnotes:1. Cf. Posener 1957: 151-52, citing the Illahun papyri of ca.1800 BC.2. References in Posener 1957: 154, 155, citing various stelae. 3. Hayes 1955; for a discussion of its foreign personal names, see Albright 1954: 222-23; see also Posener 1957: 147-63; and for a brief note on the possible relevance of the papyrus for OT studies, see Kitchen 1957: 1-2.4. E.g. domestic servants (hery-per) (cf. Gn 39:2); brewers, cooks, tutors/guardians; women as cloth-makers, hairdressers and storekeepers; cf. Hayes 1955: 103-108 and table.5. Details, see Albright 1954; Posener 1957: 148-50.6. For a convenient brief account, see Bietak 1986: 236-63, 283-88, 291-95. On subsequent work there, cf. Bietak 1991.7. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991; supplemented by Malek and Quirke 1992.8. See the list of prices (from extremes of 2/3 shekel up to 55 shekels) in Falkenstein 1956: 88-90; here two-thirds of the examples are of 8 to 10 shekels. Similarly for the earlier empire of Akkad, cf. Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 164; for an examination of particular classes, 10 cases of 9-15 shekels, 4 of 20 shekels, 2 in between, plus a few very cheap or very dear, cf. Edzard 1968: 87, Table 5 and the references there.9. Translations, e.g. in Meek 1969: 170, 175, 176.10. See, e.g. Van De Mieroop 1987: 10, 11. References for Old-Babylonian slave-prices within a 15-30 shekel span (averaging just over 22 shekels) may be found in Falkenstein 1956: 88, n. 5 end; cf. the earlier study of Meissner 1936: 34 and the references there.11. Cf. Eichler 1973: 16 and n. 35, and the texts listed, 17-18.12. Briefly dealt with by Mendelsohn 1949: 118 and n. 181.13. Cf. the list in Johns 1924: 542-46. For the Neo-Babylonian period see also Meissner 1920: 365-66 and the references there; also 1936: 35-36.14. Meissner 1920: 366; 1936: 36; Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 174 (additional references).15. So, with Ranke 1935: 409—12, passim for the related names; Steindorff had translated "the god spoke and he lives."16. For examples with various deities, see Ranke 1935 Kitchen 1986 index, 501-502. There is no warrant whatsoever for referring such names only or mainly to the 26th Dynasty.17. Alan Rowe’s claim that this name had been found in a text at Bubastis, reported by W.F. Albright (1952: 56, n. 15) has never been substantiated; all mention of it disappeared in Albright’s later works (1963: 98, n. 27, and 1955: 31); hence it must be disregarded unless definite evidence be produced.18. A.R. Schulman remarked of this reconstructed name, "I do not think that an exact original prototype [of Djed-pa-nuter-ef-ankh]...will ever be found in the Egyptian documents, for I doubt that it ever existed." He considered it a Hebrew construct of Egyptian type, not origin (1975: 241).19. For a list of some objectors, see Schulman 1975: 240, n. 26. Schulman’s suggestion (241) that Joseph’s appointment marked "the beginning of a new life for him," and that hence a birth-name would not come amiss, seems implausible. A Hebrew narrator looking for an Egyptian name had plenty to choose from other than this kind.20. We may safely lay aside both the philologically brilliant but onomatologically improbable solution offered by J. Vergote (1959: 142-46) based on a conflation of the LXX and Masoretic forms, and the weird and wonderful equivalents produced by some early investigators (for a sampling, see Vergote 1959: 151-52).21. For Hebrew, see Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 860-61; for Aramaic and Phoenician, see Jean and Hoftijzer 1965: 246; for Amarna Canaanite, see Gelb, Landsberger and Oppenheim 1962: 96b; for Ugaritic, see Gordon 1965: 475:2185. Here and in what follows, I use a simplified transcription of Egyptian and Semitic names, for technical reasons.22. In Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72), there is no root dj-p-n, and only four items under di-f-n (three of Graeco-Roman date).23. See the references given by Erman and Grapow (1931); Erman and Grapow 1953: 92, to p. 623:1.24. Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72; 1953: 92, to p. 623:1). In Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, a variant iw djad.tu-naf occurs, taking this construction back to ca.1800 BC; see Hayes 1955: 1:5, 6, 10, etc.25. This solution was partly foreseen by Engelbach (1924: 204-206), but he did not work out the philological details, nor provide a solution to the pa‘aneah segment.26. In Djad, "say/call," the d would normally become a t, and by the Late Period (1100 BC onwards) dropped away completely; but in this construction, the d > t would be protected by the following na.f in status pronominalis, as in feminine nouns with suffixes (cf. Gardiner 1957: §78, obs., and p. 432 end). The verbal suffix .t(u) would coalesce with (or even replace) the d > t of the djad to which it was affixed. Either way, the result is a djad/t-naf, from the Middle Kingdom to at least the New Kingdom and probably later. For another metathesis from Egyptian into Semitic (r and n), cf. Eg. Bakenranef (as *Bukun-rinip) appearing in Assyrian as Bukur-ninip in Ranke 1910: 27.27. Ranke 1935: 15:3, of New-Kingdom date. Slightly modified, this is accepted by Vergote (1959: 149-50).28. The name Potiphar (no ’ayin) is incised in Hebrew or Aramaic script (mid-first millennium BC?) on an Egyptian sacred-eye amulet (Michailides Collection); see Leibovitch 1943: 87-90, fig. 25. The amulet may be genuine; but has the Semitic epigraph been scratched on in more recent times?29. References in Ranke 1935: 124:16 (after Daressy) for Pa-di-Re; 125:21 for Pa-di-Khons.30. For these names, which abound in the Middle Kingdom, cf. Ranke 1935: 401-404, passim.31. In tombs of Paheri and Qenamun (Ranke 1935: 375:3, 4).32. Full publication, Kitchen and Beltrão 1991, 1: 64/65-66/67; 2: pl. 45; on the foreigners, cf. Kitchen 1990: 635-38; and 1991: 88-89 with fig., p. 90.33. The family of Didia, especially on Louvre C.50; see Lowle 1976: 91-106, figs. 1-2, pls. I-II; also Kitchen 1993: 265-69, and Forthcoming a: 19-21; for notes, Kitchen 1993/4: 222-26, and Forthcoming b.34. There are many examples in Martin 1971: 78-85:984-1088a, pls. 28-42A, passim. For the name, cf. Hebrew Hur (Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 301a).35. For the former, see Davies and Gardiner 1926: 10f, pls. V, VI, left (before the king, pl. IV); for the latter, Kitchen 1983: 47.36. Examples, Middle Kingdom, Ward 1982: 170:1472; Fischer 1985: 86:1472.37. As (e.g.) at Jericho, cf. Kenyon 1960 and 1965, passim.38. In brief, cf. (e.g.) Gonen 1992: 240-41, when single-pit burial also came into use.39. Cf. Daressy 1906: 118-19 and pl. (dagger); Lacau 1906: 86-87 [28108], pl. 19:1, 2 (typical Middle-Kingdom box-coffin).BibliographyAlbright, W.F.1952 The Biblical Period. Oxford, England: Blackwell.1954 Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C. Journal of the American Oriental Society 74:222–33.1955
we have scenes of presentations of the royal seal to the highest dignitaries, or their mention of this—so, Huy, Viceroy of Nubia (under Tutankhamun), and Nebwenenef, High Priest of Amun (under Ramesses II).35 And from early times (third millennium BC onward), many royal officials bore the title “Seal-bearer of the King.”36 And some Semites even ascended the throne briefly in the 18th century BC before the Hyksos kings took over. Such were “Ameny the Asiatic” and the kings Khandjer (name, Semitic hanzir, “boar”).Asiatic and Nubian slaves making bricks for the Temple of Amun at Karnak. From the Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re, a vizier, at Thebes, ca. 1470-1445 B.C.“Death comes as the End”Both Jacob (Gn 50:2–3) and Joseph (Gn 50:26) were reportedly embalmed at their deaths in Egypt. But the old man requested that he be buried in the ancestral family tomb, back in Canaan—in effect, to be gathered to his fathers, like so many people there in the Middle Bronze Age,37 in the Late Bronze Age,38 and into the Iron Age under the Hebrew kingdoms (Bloch-Smith 1992). However, of Joseph it is stated that “he was put in a coffin in Egypt” (with a deferred hope of being reburied in Canaan). He and his family thus appear as being more assimilated to Egyptian cultural usages than old Jacob. Other Semites, too, ended up “in a coffin in Egypt”—from the late Middle Kingdom/Hyksos epoch, one thinks of the coffin of that indubitable Semite ‘Abdu, of the 17th/16th centuries BC, containing also a handsome dagger of one Nahman (another good West-Semitic name) bearing the cartouche of the Hyksos king Apopi.39 In later periods, most especially the New Kingdom, other foreigners entered even more fully into Egyptian ways, and had completely Egyptian tombs; one thinks again (at random) of general Urhiya mentioned above (Malek 1979:661, “Iurokhy”). And, of course, much later—witness Carian tombstones in Saite and Persian-period Egypt (Boardman 1980:137/8, and figs. 158–59).Reproduced by permission from He Swore an Oath: Biblical Themes from Genesis 12–50, ed. R.S. Hess, P.E. Satterthwaite and G.J. Wenham, Tyndale House, Cambridge, England, 1993, pages 77–89.Recommended Resources for Further StudyBible and SpadeCD-ROMArchaeology andthe Old Testament Moses andthe Gods of EgyptFootnotes:1. Cf. Posener 1957: 151-52, citing the Illahun papyri of ca.1800 BC.2. References in Posener 1957: 154, 155, citing various stelae. 3. Hayes 1955; for a discussion of its foreign personal names, see Albright 1954: 222-23; see also Posener 1957: 147-63; and for a brief note on the possible relevance of the papyrus for OT studies, see Kitchen 1957: 1-2.4. E.g. domestic servants (hery-per) (cf. Gn 39:2); brewers, cooks, tutors/guardians; women as cloth-makers, hairdressers and storekeepers; cf. Hayes 1955: 103-108 and table.5. Details, see Albright 1954; Posener 1957: 148-50.6. For a convenient brief account, see Bietak 1986: 236-63, 283-88, 291-95. On subsequent work there, cf. Bietak 1991.7. Altenmüller and Moussa 1991; supplemented by Malek and Quirke 1992.8. See the list of prices (from extremes of 2/3 shekel up to 55 shekels) in Falkenstein 1956: 88-90; here two-thirds of the examples are of 8 to 10 shekels. Similarly for the earlier empire of Akkad, cf. Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 164; for an examination of particular classes, 10 cases of 9-15 shekels, 4 of 20 shekels, 2 in between, plus a few very cheap or very dear, cf. Edzard 1968: 87, Table 5 and the references there.9. Translations, e.g. in Meek 1969: 170, 175, 176.10. See, e.g. Van De Mieroop 1987: 10, 11. References for Old-Babylonian slave-prices within a 15-30 shekel span (averaging just over 22 shekels) may be found in Falkenstein 1956: 88, n. 5 end; cf. the earlier study of Meissner 1936: 34 and the references there.11. Cf. Eichler 1973: 16 and n. 35, and the texts listed, 17-18.12. Briefly dealt with by Mendelsohn 1949: 118 and n. 181.13. Cf. the list in Johns 1924: 542-46. For the Neo-Babylonian period see also Meissner 1920: 365-66 and the references there; also 1936: 35-36.14. Meissner 1920: 366; 1936: 36; Mendelsohn 1949: 117 and n. 174 (additional references).15. So, with Ranke 1935: 409—12, passim for the related names; Steindorff had translated "the god spoke and he lives."16. For examples with various deities, see Ranke 1935 Kitchen 1986 index, 501-502. There is no warrant whatsoever for referring such names only or mainly to the 26th Dynasty.17. Alan Rowe’s claim that this name had been found in a text at Bubastis, reported by W.F. Albright (1952: 56, n. 15) has never been substantiated; all mention of it disappeared in Albright’s later works (1963: 98, n. 27, and 1955: 31); hence it must be disregarded unless definite evidence be produced.18. A.R. Schulman remarked of this reconstructed name, "I do not think that an exact original prototype [of Djed-pa-nuter-ef-ankh]...will ever be found in the Egyptian documents, for I doubt that it ever existed." He considered it a Hebrew construct of Egyptian type, not origin (1975: 241).19. For a list of some objectors, see Schulman 1975: 240, n. 26. Schulman’s suggestion (241) that Joseph’s appointment marked "the beginning of a new life for him," and that hence a birth-name would not come amiss, seems implausible. A Hebrew narrator looking for an Egyptian name had plenty to choose from other than this kind.20. We may safely lay aside both the philologically brilliant but onomatologically improbable solution offered by J. Vergote (1959: 142-46) based on a conflation of the LXX and Masoretic forms, and the weird and wonderful equivalents produced by some early investigators (for a sampling, see Vergote 1959: 151-52).21. For Hebrew, see Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 860-61; for Aramaic and Phoenician, see Jean and Hoftijzer 1965: 246; for Amarna Canaanite, see Gelb, Landsberger and Oppenheim 1962: 96b; for Ugaritic, see Gordon 1965: 475:2185. Here and in what follows, I use a simplified transcription of Egyptian and Semitic names, for technical reasons.22. In Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72), there is no root dj-p-n, and only four items under di-f-n (three of Graeco-Roman date).23. See the references given by Erman and Grapow (1931); Erman and Grapow 1953: 92, to p. 623:1.24. Erman and Grapow (1931: 568, 571-72; 1953: 92, to p. 623:1). In Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446, a variant iw djad.tu-naf occurs, taking this construction back to ca.1800 BC; see Hayes 1955: 1:5, 6, 10, etc.25. This solution was partly foreseen by Engelbach (1924: 204-206), but he did not work out the philological details, nor provide a solution to the pa‘aneah segment.26. In Djad, "say/call," the d would normally become a t, and by the Late Period (1100 BC onwards) dropped away completely; but in this construction, the d > t would be protected by the following na.f in status pronominalis, as in feminine nouns with suffixes (cf. Gardiner 1957: §78, obs., and p. 432 end). The verbal suffix .t(u) would coalesce with (or even replace) the d > t of the djad to which it was affixed. Either way, the result is a djad/t-naf, from the Middle Kingdom to at least the New Kingdom and probably later. For another metathesis from Egyptian into Semitic (r and n), cf. Eg. Bakenranef (as *Bukun-rinip) appearing in Assyrian as Bukur-ninip in Ranke 1910: 27.27. Ranke 1935: 15:3, of New-Kingdom date. Slightly modified, this is accepted by Vergote (1959: 149-50).28. The name Potiphar (no ’ayin) is incised in Hebrew or Aramaic script (mid-first millennium BC?) on an Egyptian sacred-eye amulet (Michailides Collection); see Leibovitch 1943: 87-90, fig. 25. The amulet may be genuine; but has the Semitic epigraph been scratched on in more recent times?29. References in Ranke 1935: 124:16 (after Daressy) for Pa-di-Re; 125:21 for Pa-di-Khons.30. For these names, which abound in the Middle Kingdom, cf. Ranke 1935: 401-404, passim.31. In tombs of Paheri and Qenamun (Ranke 1935: 375:3, 4).32. Full publication, Kitchen and Beltrão 1991, 1: 64/65-66/67; 2: pl. 45; on the foreigners, cf. Kitchen 1990: 635-38; and 1991: 88-89 with fig., p. 90.33. The family of Didia, especially on Louvre C.50; see Lowle 1976: 91-106, figs. 1-2, pls. I-II; also Kitchen 1993: 265-69, and Forthcoming a: 19-21; for notes, Kitchen 1993/4: 222-26, and Forthcoming b.34. There are many examples in Martin 1971: 78-85:984-1088a, pls. 28-42A, passim. For the name, cf. Hebrew Hur (Brown, Driver and Briggs 1963: 301a).35. For the former, see Davies and Gardiner 1926: 10f, pls. V, VI, left (before the king, pl. IV); for the latter, Kitchen 1983: 47.36. Examples, Middle Kingdom, Ward 1982: 170:1472; Fischer 1985: 86:1472.37. As (e.g.) at Jericho, cf. Kenyon 1960 and 1965, passim.38. In brief, cf. (e.g.) Gonen 1992: 240-41, when single-pit burial also came into use.39. Cf. Daressy 1906: 118-19 and pl. (dagger); Lacau 1906: 86-87 [28108], pl. 19:1, 2 (typical Middle-Kingdom box-coffin).BibliographyAlbright, W.F.1952 The Biblical Period. Oxford, England: Blackwell.1954 Northwest-Semitic Names in a List of Egyptian Slaves from the Eighteenth Century B.C. Journal of the American Oriental Society 74:222–33.1955
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